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Illustration from Ullstein Bild, via Getty Images
Alexander
von Humboldt was the pre-eminent scientist of his time. Contemporaries
spoke of him as second in fame only to Napoleon. All over the Americas
and the English-speaking world, towns and rivers are still named after
him, along with mountain ranges, bays, waterfalls, 300 plants and more
than 100 animals. There is a Humboldt glacier, a Humboldt asteroid, a
Humboldt hog-nosed skunk. Off the coast of Peru and Chile, the giant
Humboldt squid swims in the Humboldt Current, and even on the moon there
is an area called Mare Humboldtianum. Darwin called him the “greatest
scientific traveler who ever lived.”
Yet
today, outside Latin America and Humboldt’s native Germany, his name
has receded into near oblivion. His insights have become so ingested by
modern science that they may no longer seem astonishing. As Andrea Wulf
remarks in her arresting “The Invention of Nature: Alexander von
Humboldt’s New World,” “it is almost as though his ideas have become so
manifest that the man behind them has disappeared.”
This
formidable genius was born in 1769 to a Prussian court official and a
forceful mother of Huguenot descent. He was brought up in the shadow of
his precocious elder brother, Wilhelm, a linguist and philosopher, but
Alexander flowered into a brilliant polymath: a slight, apparently
delicate man driven by furious ambition and insecurity. People remarked
on the dazzling speed and reach of his speech, on his prodigious memory —
and on his waspish tongue.
As
with Darwin’s voyage on the Beagle 32 years later, all of Humboldt’s
work was founded on a single momentous journey, which becomes the
centerpiece of Wulf’s book. In 1799, Humboldt set off for the Americas
with a botanist, Aimé Bonpland, making landfall in modern Venezuela.
Together they plunged by canoe into the botanic richness of the rain
forests, ascending the Upper Orinoco, where Humboldt was the first to
map the great river’s union with a tributary of the Amazon — a juncture
that defied contemporary assumptions.
Continuing
on a nine-month, 1,300-mile trek along the northern Andes, the two men
traversed a switchback of snow-swept passes and humid jungle, through
regions unseen by any naturalist before. Scientific passion all but
blinded Humboldt to danger. When an earthquake broke around him, he
calmly set out his instruments to measure and time it; his experiments
with electric eels might well have killed him. In the plateau lands of
Peru, he discovered the magnetic equator and soon afterward studied the
cold, nutrient-filled waters of the future Humboldt Current, whose
rainless air parches the coasts of northern Chile and Peru.
But
Humboldt’s achievement lay less in geographic discovery than in the
insights that the journey sparked. Wulf, whose books include “Chasing
Venus” and “Founding Gardeners: The Revolutionary Generation, Nature and
the Shaping of the American Nation,” is anxious above all to establish
Humboldt’s relevance today, and her fluency in German facilitates the
sifting of his massive oeuvre for impressive data. He had barely started
across Venezuela before he was alerted by the falling water level in
the idyllic lake of Valencia. This, he came to realize, was caused not
only by the siphoning of streams for irrigation but also by the felling
of the surrounding forests.
Humboldt,
Wulf writes, “was the first to explain the fundamental functions of the
forest for the ecosystem and climate: the trees’ ability to store water
and to enrich the atmosphere with moisture, their protection of the
soil, and their cooling effect. He also talked about the impact of trees
on the climate through their release of oxygen. The effects of the
human species’ intervention were already ‘incalculable,’ Humboldt
insisted, and could become catastrophic if they continued to disturb the
world so ‘brutally.’ ”
Humboldt
reached his epiphany on the slopes of Mount Chimborazo in today’s
Ecuador, a mountain then considered the highest in the world. Climbing
to more than 19,000 feet, he attained a mountaineering record
unsurpassed for 30 years and gazed with awe at the vast landscape spread
before him. Here, Wulf claims, he was struck anew by his founding
conviction: that the world was a single, weblike, interconnected
organism.
Later
he created a complex cross-section of Chimborazo, depicting in
minuscule detail the strata of its plant life. His chart related it to
other mountains, stratifying phenomena such as animal species and
gravity and humidity, the chemical composition of the air and the
blueness of the sky. It was a pictorial diagram encapsulating his
primary insight that ecosystems were universally linked. This was a view
of nature — God-less and intricately whole — that would re-educate his
age.
It
was five years before Humboldt returned to Europe, via Cuba and Mexico.
In North America, which he loved, he hobnobbed with a delighted
President Thomas Jefferson. The only subject they avoided was slavery.
Humboldt was revolted by its inhumanity. His detestation of colonial
greed meshed with his sensitivity to environmental degradation and found
its voice in two formidably researched books after his return.
In
Europe, Humboldt was gloriously received. In Paris, where he settled
for many years, he was lionized. In his more oppressive native Berlin,
he was financially supported by successive kings. He went on to invent
isotherms — the temperature lines that still flow across weather charts —
and inaugurated a chain of stations across the globe to measure
geomagnetism.
But
above all he settled to write the monumental 34-volume account of his
great journey’s findings, “Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions of the New
Continent.” Part of it, the multivolume “Personal Narrative,” a
travelogue that blended scientific exactitude with poetic evocation,
became especially influential. Darwin wrote that the work had saturated
his youth and crucially spurred his travels.
The
transcendentalism in much of Humboldt’s writing deeply affected
Whitman, Thoreau, Poe and the English Romantics. In South America the
liberator Simón Bolívar, whom Humboldt had known in Paris, asserted that
the German’s vision had awakened the South American people to pride in
their continent. Later, environmentalists from George Perkins Marsh to
John Muir saw Humboldt as their spiritual ancestor.
But
behind the veil of celebrity, the man himself recedes. He had intense
friendships with a series of young men but was self-confessedly lonely.
His consolation was the beauty of nature. Mountains, he wrote
enigmatically, offered him balm for the “deep wounds” that pure “reason”
inflicted. (The most bitter regret of his old age was that he had never
climbed the Himalayas.) The gulf between reason and emotion — the
scientific study of nature and its imaginative evocation — was a gulf he
healed in his writing.
Especially
in Germany, there have been many Humboldts. His works are so voluminous
and wide-ranging that successive regimes have extracted from them the
person they desire (even, during the Third Reich, an Aryan supremacist).
Andrea Wulf’s Humboldt is the ecological visionary and humanist.
Despite some reiteration, her book is readable, thoughtful and widely
researched, and informed by German sources richer than the English
canon. It is the first formal biography in English for many years and
may go some way toward returning this strange genius to the public.
He
died in his 90th year, a few days after sending to the publisher the
final volume of his monumental “Cosmos: A Sketch of the Physical
Description of the Universe.” His science was still touched by the
lyrical evocation of a holistic world. Beside him on his deathbed,
mourners found a scribbled note from Genesis: “Thus the heavens and the
earth were finished, and all the host of them.”
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